音楽と社会フォーラムのブログ

政治経済学・経済史学会の常設専門部会「音楽と社会フォーラム」の公式ブログです。

国際音楽学会東京大会で行われたラウンドテーブルの内容をご紹介いたします!

 いつのまにか日中は汗ばむような季節となりました今日このごろ、いかがお過ごしでしょうか。




 今回は、2017年3月22日(水)に開催されました、本フォーラムのメンバーによる国際音楽学会東京大会(IMS Tokyo http://ims2017-tokyo.org/)のラウンドテーブル(RT7-1)の内容をご紹介いたします。

 それぞれのご報告の概要と、討論および質疑応答の様子を以下に記します。ご覧いただければ幸いです。

 
 ご報告者のみなさま、討論等を含め内容をまとめていただいた井上貴子さんに、こころより感謝を申し上げます。本当にありがとうございました!




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 国際音楽学会報告

 2017年3月19日〜23日、東京藝術大学において、第20回国際音楽学会東京大会が開催された。当日は、同時に学会の企画プログラム、4つのラウンドテーブル、8つの自由論題が同時進行であったが、フォーラムのメンバーを中心としたラウンドテーブルには30名近い参加者があり、議論も活発に行われた。ラウンドテーブルの趣旨については、すでに全文を公開済みなので、今回は各報告者の報告概要と討論での話題について記す。



Roundtable RT-7-1
Wednesday, March 22, Morning 9:30-11:30, Room 5-401
Ethnomusicology and the Music Industry: Appropriating the “Ethnic”

Introduction: Takako INOUE (Daito Bunka University)

1. Tomoji ONOZUKA (The University of Tokyo)
Diffusion and Appropriation of the Western Taste of Music: An Experience of People's Music in Modern Japan”

2. Minako WASEDA (Tokyo University of the Arts)
Appropriating the “Ethnic” in the mid-20th century Recordings by Japanese-Americans from Hawaii

3. Takako INOUE (Daito Bunka University)
Discovery of Indian Music in the West

4. Kevin FELLEZS (Columbia University)
Asian American Pop Musicians

5. Kaori FUSHIKI (Taisho University)
Confrontation through Ajeg Bali: Confronting Powers, Interests, Environmental Issues and Pop Bali


Discussion




1. Diffusion and Appropriation of the Western Taste of Music: An Experience of People's Music in Modern Japan
                                   Tomoji ONOZUKA

People's music in Japan before the First World War is supposed genuine traditional one as was in the Tokugawa period, and people's music in the Meiji period does sound "genuinely traditional" for the musical taste of the current Japanese. The musical environment for the Japanese people in 1890s and 1900s were quite traditional. But school and military music had an undeniable influence over the early socialist music, as metrical structure, syllabic music and fixed speed. Western music was transplanted into Japanese people through military training and school education with state power, but the western taste of music was, in fact, tacitly accepted and appropriated by the people in very hushed manner. Enka and the early socialist music could not be explained and understood as “genuine” traditional music, but a form of new experience in people’s music in modern Japan.Enka and enka based socialist songs lacked tonality with triad chord, but were not genuine Yo-scale, because it often includes the fourth or seventh note of heptatonic scale.
  Through the transplantation of western/westernized music over a half century, after the First World War, Japanese people came to enjoy same/similar music to European nations simultaneously with reproduction technologies as music disc, cinema(even silent movies took a role of music transfer to one country to other) and radio. Then Japanese socialist songs became westernized and had the socialist standard songs of western nations(The Red Flag, La Marseillaise, L'internationale, and Warszawianka) in common, but the period after the First World War enabled all genre of music not only socialist but also commercial popular music to diffuse into Japan simultaneously. Thus other popular music commercialized by music industry was introduced into Japan from Europe and the USA. In such situation labor and socialist movement lost their pioneering cross-border strategy which had been effective in Europe and north American countries. Socialism became not sole circuit to transfer foreign music.
  European labor and socialist movements accommodated themselves to the age of the first globalization in late nineteenth and early twentieth century by means of internationalization of their movement and acquisition of common music beyond borders. “International” was not only fanfare but also actual and realistic strategies for European socialists. But in Japan labor and socialist movements, however influenced by the European ideas of democracy and socialism, faced a barrier sound feeling. Therefore the enka-based early socialist songs carried double characteristics, traditional Japanese and tacitly western taste.


2. Appropriating the “Ethnic” in the mid-20th century Recordings by Japanese-Americans from Hawaii
                                   Minako WASEDA

The ethnic image of Japanese-Americans from Hawaii is rather ambiguous due to their complex cultural background comprising of Hawaiian, American-mainstream, and Japanese cultural elements. Depending on the context of their recordings, such as the location and intended audiences, certain aspects of their cultural compositions have been intentionally emphasized or masked.
  In GI songs recorded in post-World War II Japan, Japanese-American singers were promoted as exotic figures, who look Japanese, but culturally and linguistically American, singing with broken Japanese pronounced in an Americanized way, despite that they were actually capable of singing in fluent Japanese. Hawaii Shochiku Orchestra, consisting of Japanese American performers and singers in Hawaii, used to perform Japanese-style popular songs, both cover and originals. However, after the death of its leader and composer in 1949, a Japanese composer bgan to write what he had thought as music to represent Japanese-Americans in Hawaii, that is, Hawaiian-flaovored music distinct from Japanese music in Japan. Thus, Hawaiian image was emphasized as part of the orchestra’s identity, although it was actually the Japanese composer who taught them how to add “a bit of Hawaiiana” to their music. In the ukulele album recorded in Hawaii The Cool Touch of Ohta San (1963), the Japanese-ness of the performer, Herb Ohta, was emphasized by its album jacket with a photo of varicolored carps swimming in the pond, by calling the performer “Ohta San,” which means Mr. Ohta in Japanese, and by employing the easy-to-remember Japanese song titles such as “Sushi” and “Sayonara,” although those songs were arranged in Latin style and played by the ukulele.
  As explained so far, the ethnic image of Japanese-American musicians from Hawaii has been strategically manipulated for marketing purposes. Although American-mainstream, Hawaiian, and Japanese cultures are all components of the cultural background of Hawaii’s Japanese-Americans, those elements were only selectively emphasized in their recordings, in a sense, misrepresenting or distorting the reality. Their recordings as introduced here reveal the complexity of cultural attributes and practices of Japanese Americans from Hawaii. They thus challenge the presupposition long held in ethnomusicology that “every nation or ethnic group has its own music culture or tradition” as addressed in this roundtable. They have transcended, and at the same time, embraced ethnic, cultural, and geographical boundaries, and it is exactly why Japanese-Americans have long been overlooked in ethnomusicological research.


3. Discovery of Indian Music in the West
                                     Takako INOUE

Westerners repeatedly discovered Indian music as the symbol of the “Other” or “Oriental” culture. The history of this discovery can be well-explained by the four distinctive phases. The first discovery from the late 18th century to the early 19th century is characterized by Hindustani air the Indian melodies transcribed and arranged by the British residents in India and academic writings by Orientalists. The second discovery from the late 19th century to the early 20th century is characterized by early gramophone records and research works by scholars including comparative musicologists. The third discovery from the 1950s to the 1960s is characterized by compositions appropriating Indian music by pop musicians, mainly rock and jazz, and fieldworks by ethnomusicologists. The fourth discovery in the late 20th century is characterized by the boom of world music followed by “Asian Underground” mainly created by the British South Asians and the spread of cultural studies focusing on music and politics.
  The 3rd discovery was the most crucial period for constructing the contemporary perception of “the sitar as a symbol of Indian music” which went through the global market. Taking the Beatles as an example, I would like to discuss “raga rock” the rock music with Indian flavors such as featuring the sitar sound and collaborating with Indian musicians, which can be analyzed as “high fidelity” music making of recorded music, and the experimental sound production by means of newly developed recording techniques as “studio audio art”. The raga rock created by the Beatles was spread by the music industry consisting of musicians, producers, engineers, as well as business persons. On the other hand, “modal jazz”, where musicians develop improvisation based on a mode as an Indian raga, can be examined as “presentational” music making of live performance. Taking John Coltrane as an example, I analyzed the way of developing improvisation and how live recordings were spread to the market. Due to the academic approaches by ethnomusicologists in this period, particularly adopting the concept of “bi-musicality”, many ethnomusicologists started to learn Indian music from Indian musicians who taught music to pop musicians as well.
  The perception of “Otherness” of Indian music discovered against Western music led us to the existence of never-ending “Orientalism”. Pop musicians, recording engineers, and scholars simultaneously constructed the stereotypical perception of Indian music symbolized by the sitar music. Consequently the complicity between music industries and academic institutions strengthened “Otherness” of India.


4. Asian American Pop Musicians
                                     Kevin FELLEZS

Genre categories often serve as shorthand for the various logics through which ideas about the relationship between identity and music are created, debated and performed through musical sound and discourse. Additionally, the term “genre” operates in popular music in much the same way “tradition” works in non-popular music idioms by setting the criteria used to define core sets of musical gestures, soundings and discourses against which particular musical acts are evaluated and categorized. Jazz, rock and funk are widely recognized as musical genres with distinctive aesthetics and histories, including a defining core of musicians and recordings. In discussions of world music, we have, on one hand, the threat of western cultural imperialism and appropriation and, on the other, celebrations of hybridity and recognition of the translocal contexts of contemporary world music production, consumption and circulation. Though smooth jazz has received far less attention from scholars, it is fair to state that its value is adversely affected by being viewed as more of a marketing term targeting middle-brow middle class audiences than for carrying any significant musical meaning.
  These discourses are the contextual backdrop for my focus on the particular ways Hiroshima links its position between world music and smooth jazz to an understanding of “Asian American” as a diverse if liminal identity formation. In combining these genres, however, Hiroshima have been accused by some listeners of creating a sonic Frankenstein’s monster, depleting jazz’s cerebral delights while divesting rock and funk of their celebrated physicality. Moreover Hiroshima’s use of the koto highlights the tensions between “traditional” and popular music cultures found in “world music.” In contrast, I want to suggest that we should hear Hiroshima’s genre mixtures as sounding out the contingencies of transcultural exchanges rather than as the polished efforts of finished cultural projects.


5. Confrontation through Ajeg Bali: Confronting Powers, Interests, Environmental Issues and Pop Bali
                                     Kaori FUSHIKI

It was mid 2000s when Studio Audio Arts type, Presentational Pop Bali (Balinese regional pop in Indonesia) songs that were emphasized as Ajeg Bali (Balineseness = mixture of religion, custom and culture) were promoted as presentations of “Balinese” and were used politically in local political context. Contrary to its slogan “Be Balinese” that tied with powers, however, overexploitations and over developments in Bali have been occurred by land developers that also tied with powers to make their interests more.
  Artists and bands of Pop Bali Alternatif (Alternative Balinese pop) that emerged in the mid 1990s, especially artists of metal, punk and grunge, have started social activities to protest and against powers to protect “Bali”. The leader of the movement is a punk band, Superman Is Dead (SID). Although they are facing to political pressure, such as prohibition of their lives, they continue strong criticism to powers and developers, violation of human rights related to powers, etc. In their guerrilla lives, they also appeal to the audience to give them the info about the deterioration of people’s life because of changes of environment that was occurred by Bunoa bay reclamation and global climatic variation, and appeal for their help to that situation. In addition, they make a chance to work together with other artists and young audiences while they sing a song of “sing along with everyone type” that was made by Forum Rakyat Bali Tolak Reklamasi.
  Interestingly, songs for protect “Bali” are not directly imitate and advocate “Balineseness” unlike Ajeg Bali songs. What “Bali” should be? It was the Balinese punk as an activity that gives an idea to the audience to make a better life from not short-range benefits, but a long-term vision while keeping consciousness of environmental issues and human rights.



討論

 各報告者の報告後、30分程度の質疑応答と討論を行った。個別の報告者への質問以外に、体にかかわる問題としてフロアから提起された問題は大変興味深いものであった。録音された音楽の普及に伴い、従来はフィールドワークを中心としてきた民族音楽学者は、今後はフィールドに出ることのない、いわゆるアームチェアー民族音楽学者へと戻っていくのかという問題である。本報告ではこの問題を取り上げてみたい。
 民族音楽学の発展はフィールドワークという方法の採用と共にある。20世紀前半の比較音楽学者は、研究室から出ることなく、サウンドアーカイヴに収集された録音資料のみを分析対象とし、音楽が生成される現地の文化的社会的な文脈を軽視してきたとして批判されてきた。そもそも20世紀前半は、今日ほど海外に出かけること自体が容易ではなく、録音資料が重宝されたのだが、インターネットが発達し、世界中の音楽の録音や演奏の現場映像が手軽に入手可能な時代、フィールドワークのもつ意味が改めて問われている。
 ネット上に流通する録音・録画資料を素材とし、それを視聴するユーザーたちのコメントを資料とし、ネットの世界をフィールドワークするという研究はあり得るだろう。しかし、やはりネット上に流通する録音・録画は、意図的に製作され、あるいは切り取られた素材にすぎない。いかにして製作され切り取られたかは、ネット上の情報のみからは明白にはならない。つまり、民族音楽学の調査地はフィールドから研究室へと移行したのではなく、現実のフィールドに加えて、ネット上のバーチャルな世界が新たなフィールドとして加わったと捉えるべきだろう。
 ラウンドテーブルに配分された時間はたったの2時間、その間に5つの報告と討論時間が30分ということで、密度は濃いが時間はあまりに短かった。終了後も多くの参加者が個別に報告者と意見を交換していたことは、この問題に対する関心の高さを示している。今後も本フォーラムで、音楽産業というテーマを継続的な課題として議論を深めていきたい。


                                      井上貴子 記